Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad was a creation of the Nigeria Police to cater and curb the spate of armed robbery that bedeviled Nigeria and Nigerians at the time of creation. In 1992, the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) was formed to combat armed robbery and other serious crimes.
Before that, anti-robbery was the responsibility of the Nigeria Police generally although, from 1984, anti-robbery units existed separately as part of different states’ criminal investigation departments.
Other special units, which went by different names at different times, included the intelligence response team, special tactical squad, counterterrorism unit and force intelligence unit, formed to tackle rising violent crime following the end of the Nigerian civil war in 1970.
By the early 1990s, armed robbers and bandits were terrorizing Lagos and southern Nigeria.
Police officer Simeon Danladi Midenda was in charge of the anti-robbery unit of the criminal investigation department in Benin, southern Nigeria, at the time. He had some success in combating armed robbery, earning a recommendation from the then Inspector General of Police.
With crime on the rise in Lagos, Midenda was transferred there and tasked with uniting the three existing anti-robbery squads operating in the former federal capital into one unit in a bid to break the stronghold of armed gangs. As the new sheriff in town, equipped with 15 officers and two station wagons, Midenda formed an amalgamated unit and named it the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in 1992.
In the early days of the unit, combat-ready SARS officers operated undercover in plain clothes and plain vehicles without any security or government insignia and did not carry arms in public. Their main job was to monitor radio communications and facilitate successful arrests of criminals.
The Beginning of the Brouhaha
Over times, SARS corrupted their way of operation as they deviated from their original schedule of combating criminality to going into private lives of individuals. Emboldened by its new powers, the unit moved on from its main function of carrying out covert operations and began to set up roadblocks, extorting money from citizens. Officers remained in plain clothes but started to carry arms in public.
Over time, the unit has been implicated in widespread human rights abuses, extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, unlawful detention and extortion.
SARS officers then allegedly moved on to targeting and detaining young men for cybercrime or being “online fraudsters”, simply on the evidence of their owning a laptop or smart phone, and then demanding excessive bail fees to let them go.
In 2016, Amnesty International documented its own visit to one of the SARS detention centres in Abuja, situated in a disused abattoir. There, it found 130 detainees living in overcrowded cells and being regularly subjected to methods of torture including hanging, starvations, beatings, shootings and mock executions.
Now, Nigerians say they have had enough. Since 2017, protests have been building momentum across Nigeria, stemming from online advocacy to street protests. The anger about the unit’s activities culminated in a nationwide protest on the streets of 21 states in the month of October, 2020 after a SARS officer allegedly shot a young man in Delta State.
Amid the ongoing protests, President Muhammadu Buhari announced that the unit would be disbanded. But this has not quelled the protests as young people continue to occupy the streets in large numbers demanding the immediate release of arrested protesters, justice for victims of police brutality, the prosecution of accused officers as well as a general salary increase for the police force to reduce corruption.
Young protesters say they have heard it all before. This is not the first time the government had disbanded SARS and promised holistic reforms.
In 2006 and 2008, presidential committees proposed recommendations for reforming the Nigeria Police.
In 2009, the Nigerian minister of justice and attorney general of the federation convened a National Committee on Torture to examine allegations of torture and unlawful killings but made little headway. In October 2010, the then Nigerian President, Goodluck Jonathan, allocated 71 billion Naira for police reforms.
In 2016, the Inspector General of the Nigeria Police Force announced broad reforms to correct SARS units’ use of excessive force and failure to follow due process.
Recommendations to prevent future unrest
The followings are recommended to prevent future unrest and bringing economy to a halt.
a. The ongoing panel of enquiries set up by various states and federal government should not be swept under the carpet as it has been the tradition in the country of the outcome of the previous panels.
b. The officers who are found wanting of any misdeed should be made to face the full wrath of the law and not enjoying the back patting of doing the wrong acts in the line of duty.
c. Public apology should be given to all the victims of police brutality whether alive or death to show minimal level of justice.
d. The promise of adequate reforms of the Nigeria Police forms should be immediate and commensurate.
e. Remuneration of the police in terms of their salary and welfare; funding should be in tandem with global best practices.
f. Psychological reorientation of the officers should be routinely carried out.
g. The Complaint Response Unit (CRU) of the Nigeria Police Force should be equipped and functional.
h. The Police are meant to be protector of personal and properties of Nigerians not dehumanizing and degrading them.
i. There should be an effective database on complaints and discipline management.
j. Police should treat Nigerians with respect and dignity.
k. The family of officers who had paid the supreme price as a result of this saga should be well taking care, so as to serve as morale booster to other officers who are in the line of duty.
l. The businesses and persons who suffered the aftermath of the protest should be economically empowered.
written by Ahmed Jimoh Opalekunde esq.